自媒體外文翻譯文獻自媒體外文翻譯文獻(文檔含英文原文和中文翻譯)JPewResearchCenter'sProjectforExcellenceinJournalism《NewMediaOldMedia》HowBlogsandSocialMediaAgendasRelateandDifferfromtheTraditionalPress.Newstodayisincreasinglyashared,socialexperience.HalfofAmericanssaytheyrelyonthepeoplearoundthemtofindoutatleastsomeofthenewstheyneedtoknow.Some44%ofonlinenewsusersgetnewsatleastafewtimesaweekthroughemails,automaticupdatesorpostsfromsocialnetworkingsites.In2009,Twitter'smonthlyaudienceincreasedby200%.Whilemostoriginalreportingstillcomesfromtraditionaljournalists,technologymakesitincreasinglypossiblefortheactionsofcitizenstoinfluenceastory'stotalimpact.Whattypesofnewsstoriesdoconsumersshareanddiscussthemost?Whatissuesdotheyhavelessinterestin?Whatistheinterplayofthevariousnewmediaplatforms?Andhowdotheiragendascomparewiththatofthemainstreampress?Toanswerthesequestions,thePewResearchCenter'sProjectforExcellenceinJournalismhasgatheredayearofdataonthetopnewsstoriesdiscussedandlinkedtoonblogsandsocialmediapagesandsevenmonths'worthonTwitter.Wealsohaveanalyzedayearofthemostviewednews-relatedvideosonYouTube.Severalcleartrendsemerge.Mostbroadly,thestoriesandissuesthatgaintractioninsocialmediadiffersubstantiallyfromthosethatleadinthemainstreampress.Buttheyalsodiffergreatlyfromeachother.Ofthe29weeksthatwetrackedallthreesocialplatforms,blogs,TwitterandYouTubesharedthesametopstoryjustonce.ThatwastheweekofJune15-19,whentheproteststhatfollowedtheIranianelectionsledonallthree.Eachsocialmediaplatformalsoseemstohaveitsownpersonalityandfunction.Intheyearstudied,bloggersgravitatedtowardstoriesthatelicitedemotion,concernedindividualorgrouprightsortriggeredideologicalpassion.Oftenthesewerestoriesthatpeoplecouldpersonalizeandthenshareinthesocialforum–attimesinhighlypartisanlanguage.Andunlikeinsomeothertypesofmedia,thepartisanshipheredoesnotleanstronglytoonesideortheother.EvenonstoriesliketheTeaPartyprotests,SarahPalinandpublicsupportforObamabothconservativeandliberalvoicescomethroughstrongly.OnTwitter,bycontrast,technologyisamajorfocus–withaheavyprominenceonTwitteritself–whilepoliticsplaysamuchsmallerrole.Themissionisprimarilyaboutpassingalongimportant–oftenbreaking–informationinawaythatunifiesorassumessharedvalueswithintheTwittercommunity.AndthebreakingnewsthattrumpedallelseacrossTwitterin2009focusedontheprotestsfollowingtheIranianelection.ItledasthetopnewsstoryonTwitterforsevenweeksinarow–afeatnotreachedbyanyothernewsstoryonanyoftheplatformsstudied.YouTubehasstillothercharacteristicsthatsetitapart.Here,usersdon'toftenaddcommentsoradditionalinsightsbutinsteadtakepartbyselectingfrommillionsofvideosandsharing.Partlyasaresult,themostwatchedvideoshaveastrongsenseofserendipity.Theypiqueinterestandcuriositywithastrongvisualappeal.The“Heyyou'vegottoseethis,”mentalityringsstrong.Usersalsogravitatetowardamuchbroaderinternationalmixhereasvideostranscendlanguagebarriersinawaythatwrittentextcannot.Acrossallthreesocialplatforms,though,attentionspansarebrief.Justasnewsconsumersdon'tstaylongonanywebsite,socialmediadoesn'tstaylongonanyonestory.Onblogs,53%oftheleadstoriesinagivenweekstayonthelistnomorethanthreedays.OnTwitterthatistrueof72%ofleadstories,andmorethanhalf(52%)areonthelistforjust24hours.Andmostofthosetopweeklystoriesdifferdramaticallyfromwhatisreceivingattentioninthetraditionalpress.BlogsoverlapmorethanTwitter,buteventhereonlyaboutaquarterofthetopstoriesinanygivenweekwerethesameasinthe“MSM.”Instead,socialmediatendtohomeinonstoriesthatgetmuchlessattentioninthemainstreampress.Andthereislittleevidence,atleastatthispoint,ofthetraditionalpressthenpickinguponthosestoriesinresponse.Acrosstheentireyearstudied,justoneparticularstoryorevent–thecontroversyoveremailsrelatingtoglobalresearchthatcametobeknownas“Climate-gate”–becameamajoritemintheblogosphereandthen,aweeklater,gainingmoretractionintraditionalmedia.Thesearesomeconclusionsdrawnfromoneofthefirstcomprehensiveempiricalassessmentsoftherelationshipsbetweensocialmediaandthemoretraditionalpress.ThestudyexaminedtheblogosphereandsocialmediabytrackingthenewslinkedtoonmillionsofblogsandsocialmediapagestrackedbyIcerocketandTechnoratifromJanuary19,2009,throughJanuary15,2010.ItalsotrackedthevideosonYouTube'snewschannelforthesameperiod.ItmeasuredTwitterbytrackingnewsstorieslinkedtowithintweetsasmonitoredbyTweetmemefromJune15,2009,throughJanuary15,2010.Amongthespecificfindings:Socialmediaandthemainstreampressclearlyembracedifferentagendas.Blogssharedthesameleadstorywithtraditionalmediainjust13ofthe49weeksstudied.Twitterwasevenlesslikelytosharethetraditionalmediaagenda–theleadstorymatchedthatofthemainstreampressinjustfourweeksofthe29weeksstudied.OnYouTube,thetopstoriesoverlappedwithtraditionalmediaeightoutof49weeks.Thestoriesthatgaintractioninsocialmediadosoquickly,oftenwithinhoursofinitialreports,andleavequicklyaswell.Just5%ofthetopfivestoriesonTwitterremainedamongthetopstoriesthefollowingweek.Thiswastrueof13%ofthetopstoriesonblogsand9%onYouTube.Inthemainstreampress,ontheotherhand,fully50%ofthetopfivestoriesoneweekremainedatopstoryaweeklater.Politics,somuchafocusofcableandradiotalkprogramming,hasfoundaplaceinblogsandonYouTube.Onblogs,17%ofthetopfivelinked-tostoriesinagivenweekwereaboutUSgovernmentorpolitics,oftenaccompaniedbyemphaticpersonalanalysisorevaluations.ThesetopicswereevenmoreprevalentamongnewsvideosonYouTube,wheretheyaccountedfor21%ofalltopstories.OnTwitter,however,technologystorieswerelinkedtofarmorethananythingelse,accountingfor43%ofthetopfivestoriesinagivenweekand41%oftheleaditems.Bycontrast,technologyfilled1%ofthenewsholeinthemainstreampressduringthesameperiod.Whilesocialmediaplayersespouseadifferentagendathanthemainstreammedia,blogsstillheavilyrelyonthetraditionalpress–andprimarilyjustafewoutletswithinthat–fortheirinformation.Morethan99%ofthestorieslinkedtoinblogscamefromlegacyoutletssuchasnewspapersandbroadcastnetworks.。Andjustfour–theBBC,CNN,theNewYorkTimesandtheWashingtonPostaccountedforfully80%ofalllinks.Twitter,bycontrast,waslesstiedtotraditionalmedia.Herehalf(50%)ofthelinksweretolegacyoutlets;40%wenttoweb-onlynewssourcessuchasMashableandCNET.Theremaining10%wenttowirestoriesornon-newssourcesontheWebsuchasablogknownas“GreenBriefs,”whichsummarizeddailydevelopmentsduringtheJuneprotestsinIran.ThemostpopularnewsvideosonYouTube,meanwhile,stoodoutforhavingabroaderinternationalmix.Aquarter,26%,ofthetopwatchednewsvideoswereofnon-USevents,primarilythosewithastrongvisualappealsuchasrawfootageofPopeBenedictXVIgettingknockedoverduringMassonChristmasEveoraclipofaveteranBraziliannewsanchorgettingcaughtinsultingsomejanitorswithoutrealizinghismicrophonewasstilllive.Celebrityandmedia-focusedvideoswerealsogivensignificantprominence.InproducingPEJ'sNewMediaIndex,thebasisforthisstudy,therearesomechallengesposedbythebreathofpotentialoutlets.Thereareliterallymillionsofblogsandtweetsproducedeachday.Tomakethatprospectmanageable,thestudyobservesthe“news”interestsofthosepeopleutilizingsocialmedia,asclassifiedbythetrackingwebsites.PEJdidnotmakeadeterminationastowhatconstitutesanewsstoryasopposedtosomeothertopic,butgenerally,areasoutsidethetraditionalnotionofnewssuchasgardening,sportsorotherhobbiesarenotinthepurviewofcontent.Byfocusingonthistypeofsubjectmatter,thestudycreatesaclosecomparisonbetweenthenewsagendaofusersofsocialmediaandofthemoretraditionalnewsmedia.Thisapproachcouldtendtomaketheagendasofthemainstreamandnewmediaplatformsappearevenmoresimilarthantheywouldbeifawiderarrayofsubjectmatterwerepracticabletocapture.Thusthedivergentagendasfoundhere,ifanything,areevenmorestriking.新媒體與舊媒體博客和社會媒體議程的關系如何不同于傳統的新聞。今天的新聞越來越多地是共享的，社會的經驗。一半的美國人說他們依靠他們周圍的人，知道至少他們需要知道的有一些消息。約44%的在線新聞用戶一個星期至少有幾次通過電子郵件，自動更新或從社交網站上的公告得到新聞消息。在2009年，Twitter的每月使用者增加了200%。而最原始的報道仍然來自傳統的記者，技術使公民的行為變得越來越可能影響到報道的整體。什么類型的新聞報道消費者共享并討論地最多呢？什么問題他們比較少的感興趣呢？什么是各種新媒體平臺的相互作用？其議程設置與主流媒體相比較又如何呢？為了回答這些問題，皮尤研究中心卓越新聞項目已經聚集了一年的數據，關于博客和社交媒體網頁上聯系和討論的頭條新聞和七個月的在Twitter上討論的有價值信息。我們還分析了一年來YouTube上最受歡迎的與新聞有關的視頻。出現幾個明顯的趨勢。最廣泛的，社交媒體網頁上受關注的新聞報道和問題與主流媒體上的有很大的不同。但他們彼此也有很大的不同。29周以來，我們跟蹤調查了所有三個社交媒體平臺，博客，Twitter和YouTube，他們只有一次頭條新聞是相同的。這是6月15日-6月19日，抗議伊朗選舉時，這則新聞都是他們三個的頭條。每一個社會媒體平臺似乎也有其自己的個性和功能。經過一年的研究，博客趨向于發表引起情感的，有關個人或群體的權利的，或引發思想激情的新聞報道或故事。往往這些都是些故事，人們可以將其個性化，然后共享在社會論壇-有的時候是高于黨派性的語言。而不像一些其他類型的媒體，黨派之爭在這里不會強烈而分明地傾向于一黨或者另一黨。甚至像茶黨抗議這樣的事件，薩拉·佩林和奧巴馬的公眾支持者，保守派和自由派的聲音都很強烈。相比之下，在Twitter上，技術是一大重點-與Twitter本身側重的重點一樣-而政治發揮了作用小得多。它的主要任務是傳遞重要的新聞信息，經常是突發性的大事，信息以這樣的方式傳遞——統一或假設Twitter的社區內有著共同的價值觀。2009年里Twitter上勝過其他一切重大新聞的是集中在伊朗大選后的抗議。它導致了連續7周在Twitter作為頭條新聞故事-任何平臺研究上的任何新聞報道中的未完成的壯舉。YouTube在設置上仍有它的其他特點。在這里，用戶不經常補充意見或額外的見解，而是選擇從數以百萬計的視頻中分享其中的一部分。可以作為部分結果，最受矚目的影片都意外的擁有相同的強烈責任感。他們用強烈的視覺吸引力激起興趣和好奇心。“嘿，你已經看到了這一點”心理反應強烈。用戶在這里也被吸引走向更廣闊的國際融合，因為視頻作品能夠逾越文字無法逾越的語言鴻溝。雖然，所有的三個社交平臺，注意力都是短暫的。正如新聞消費者不留任何網站，社會媒體不留任何一個故事。在博客，53%的頭條新聞在某一周的列表上沒有超過三天。在twitter上，這個數據是72%，超過半數（52%）頭條新聞在列表上僅僅24小時。這些每周頭條的大部分與傳統主流媒體上受關注的新聞有著戲劇性的差別。博客與傳統媒體的重疊遠超過twitter，但即使這樣，每周也只有三分之一的頭條與傳統媒體相同。相反，社會媒體關注的往往是家中故事，這在主流媒體上的關注度要小得多。這里幾乎沒有證據，至少在這一點上，傳統印刷物會回應性地從這些故事中摘抄一些。在整個一年的研究中，只有一個特別的故事或事件-爭議過電子郵件與全球性的研究，后來被稱為“氣候門”-在博客中成為一個備受關注的熱點，然后，一個星期后，在傳統媒體中獲得了更多的關注。這些都是從第一個網絡社交媒體和傳統媒體之間的關系的綜合實證評估中得出的一些結論。研究通過Icerocket和Technorati跟蹤調查2009年1月19日到2010年1月15日間百萬計的博客和網絡社交媒介網頁上的新聞鏈接來檢驗博客和社交媒介。他們同時跟蹤同一時間階段YouTube上的新聞頻道。他們衡量twitter通過跟蹤2009年6月15日到2010年1月15日間的新聞報道。其中的具體結果：社交媒體和主流媒體清楚地擁有不同的議程